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There was, too, by the second Eisenhower term, a pent-up desire for change. 20 This generational wish for change was reinforced in the 1950s by 38 T h e Ac tors the passing of the torch, as Kennedy himself put it, to a new generation “tempered by” war, specifically from the generation who had commanded in World War II, appropriately led and symbolized by General Eisenhower, to the more or less junior officers of his victorious army and navy. Members of Kennedy’s cabinet and subcabinet were almost exclusively recruited from men with this experience.

Brief as they were, their successive presidencies saw irreversible change in the relations of black Americans and white, men and women, in foreign policy and demographics, and in the tone and fundamental character of political life. To be sure, some of those changes were on their way when John Kennedy read his inaugural address, and many were not 22 I n t rodu c t ion complete when Lyndon Johnson went back to his ranch on the Pedernales River. No doubt much of that central characteristic of the ensuing decades, the conservative ascendancy, was devoted to attempts to reverse elements of their legacy.

There were even reports of Senator Edward Kennedy negotiating, in a robust manner, a more than comfortable financial settlement for his brother’s widow with her new, immensely rich husband. Other scandals touched the hem of the garments of several Knights of the Round Table, not least the death of Mary Jo ­Kopechne in the car of the same senator. President Kennedy’s own memory was smirched by serial revelations of his voracious sexual exploits, some undeniably damaging to his reputation. , solidly researched, if hostile and by no means universally accepted as authoritative, even raised serious doubts about Kennedy’s reputation as a war hero.

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The White House by Jon Wilson


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