By Richard K. Herrmann, Richard Ned Lebow
ISBN-10: 1403963835
ISBN-13: 9781403963833
ISBN-10: 1403982813
ISBN-13: 9781403982810
Even if in hindsight the tip of the chilly conflict used to be inevitable, virtually not anyone observed it coming and there's little consensus over why it ended. a favored interpretation is that the Soviet Union used to be not able to compete when it comes to strength, specifically within the quarter of excessive expertise. one other interpretation offers primacy to the hot principles Gorbachev dropped at the Kremlin and to the significance of leaders and household issues. during this quantity, widespread specialists on Soviet affairs and the chilly conflict interrogate competing interpretations within the context of 5 "turning issues" in spite of everything of the chilly conflict. hoping on new details amassed from oral background interviews and archival examine, the authors draw into doubt triumphal interpretations that depend upon a unmarried variable just like the improved strength of the U.S. and contact recognition to the significance of ways a number of components mixed and have been sequenced traditionally. the amount closes with chapters drawing classes from the tip of the chilly struggle for either coverage making and concept development.
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Additional info for Ending the Cold War: Interpretations, Causation, and the Study of International Relations (New Visions in Security)
Example text
No major innovation affecting the way the Soviet system worked and no important foreign policy initiative could be taken without consultation with the party leader. If anyone had the opportunity to give a lead in proposing radical change it was he. Given the deference accorded to the holder of that office, and the important fact that nothing was more crucial for an ambitious official than the opinion held of him by the Gensek, colleagues and subordinates would, in many cases, suppress their doubts about the wisdom of the leader’s policies rather than openly challenge them, even in sessions of the Politburo.
1992), offer compound explanations of which the clash of visions 24 Richard K. Herrmann and Richard Ned Lebow 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. is part. For extreme statements of this position, see Adam Ulam, Expansion and Coexistence: Soviet Foreign Policy, 1917–1973, 2nd ed. (New York: Praeger, 1974); Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man (New York: Free Press, 1992) and Douglas J. Macdonald, “Communist Bloc Expansion in the Early Cold War: Challenging Realism, Refuting Revisionism,” International Security 20 (Winter 1995), pp.
The idea that, if Gorbachev had not been chosen as party leader, some other member of the Politburo would have pursued essentially the same policies does not stand up to serious scrutiny. Clearly, Gorbachev alone was not responsible for the dramatic changes in Soviet policy that occurred over the next six and a half years. The argument about leadership is intimately linked to the importance both of institutions and ideas within the Soviet system—to the institutional power of the General Secretary and the fact that, to a greater extent than any other political actor, Gorbachev could determine 32 Archie Brown key appointments and legitimize formerly heterodox ideas.
Ending the Cold War: Interpretations, Causation, and the Study of International Relations (New Visions in Security) by Richard K. Herrmann, Richard Ned Lebow
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