By John Clammer
This quantity demonstrates a clean method of city reviews in addition to a brand new means of modern Japan which hyperlinks financial system and society in an leading edge way.Content:
Chapter 1 imminent Japan in the course of the research of intake (pages 1–25):
Chapter 2 intake and concrete Cultures within the jap urban (pages 26–50):
Chapter three The Context of hope: The Political economic system of intake (pages 51–67):
Chapter four purchasing and the Social Self (pages 58–84):
Chapter five Gender, category and the Internationalization of intake (pages 85–109):
Chapter 6 eating our bodies: Media and the development and illustration of the physique (pages 110–134):
Chapter 7 websites and attractions: The eating Eye and the humanities of the mind's eye in jap Tourism (pages 135–151):
Chapter eight Theorizing intake in city Japan (pages 152–168):
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Additional info for Contemporary Urban Japan: A Sociology of Consumption
Frequently what resident population is left behind in such zones are individuals, often elderly, who have refused to sell their property to developers, a problem that is worse in Osaka than it is in Tokyo, since the old inner-city areas of Osaka were once thriving commercial districts filled with small businesses, but are now characterized by a population of elderly dependent residents whose children have long since moved to suburbs. The emergence of Japanese ‘world cities’, complete with their own international airports, which has been brought about by the transnationalization ofJapanese trade and business (Fujita and Hill I993), has also brought about very high land prices and an increasing gap between home-owners and renters.
Still smaller side streets and the numerous alleyways are lined with the bars, small restaurants and nightclubs for which the area is renowned. At one end of the Ginza, surrounding the Yurakucho railway and subway stations, is a complex of departmental stores including large stores of the Sobu and Printemps chains and a considerable number of cinemas. Other districts also associated with shopping are similarly sub-divided into specialized zones. Tokyo’s Shibuya, for instance, has a zone of departmental stores, one of small restaurants of a traditional style bordering the railway tracks adjacent to the enormously busy railway station, and another of night-clubs, cinemas, pachinko (pinball) parlours and bars - the famous Kabuki-cho district while the same city’s Shibuya has zones of departmental stores catering mainly to younger shoppers, an area of traditional bars catering mainly to middle-aged men, a cultural area (the Bunku Mura, or ‘Culture Village’, a large children’s centre and the campus of the United Nations and Aoyama Gakuin universities), a large complex of cinemas and a district given over entirely to ‘love hotels’ - short-stay hotels, often of whimsical architecture, designed not for travellers but exclusively for romantic assignations.
For a Japanese a sense of ‘community’ is constructed through kmship, work and common commitment to institutions (such as the school attended by one’s children); for a European with weaker kinship bonds and higher job mobility, community is more likely to be defined in terms of a sense of place. At a more theoretical level some of these questions are raised in a much debated paper by Ray Pahl on the issue of the adequacy of sociological theory in urban research (Pahl 1989). Interestingly, this paper itself starts with the very Eurocentric assumption that the issue of class is 36 Consumption and Urban Cultures in Japan seen as being the problem.
Contemporary Urban Japan: A Sociology of Consumption by John Clammer