By Brian Porter
ISBN-10: 0195131460
ISBN-13: 9780195131468
With this publication, Porter bargains readers a brand new reason for the emergence of xenophobic, authoritarian nationalism in Europe. concentrating on 19th-century Poland, he strains the transformation of progressive patriotism right into a violent anti-Semitic ideology. rather than deterministically attributing this cost to the "forces of modernization," Porter argues that the language of hatred and self-discipline was once primary to the best way "modernity" itself used to be perceived--or possibly "imagined"--by fin-de-siecle intellectuals.
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Extra info for When nationalism began to hate: imagining modern politics in nineteenth century Poland
Sample text
The fatherland was not a territorial unit, Mochnacki repeated, nor anything physical at all. Rather it was “the great idea of political independence and the hope that someday, under the leadership and help of God, we will join in one indivisible whole, that 22 WHEN NATIONALISM BEGAN TO HATE we will be the fortress of Europe, an affliction on our evil neighbors and the chosen people of Slavdom. ”14 Poland was not merely fighting for freedom, it was a representation of the principle of freedom. True Poles, Mochnacki believed, had to be virtuous citizens fighting for the ideal of independence on behalf of all Europe as well as for their own liberation.
Nonetheless, these concepts, slogans, and metaphors provided an effective solution to the doubts and disappointments of 1830, and idealism retained a general appeal until the next uprising (in 1863). This worldview gave Polish nationalists a way to conceive of a nation without a state and it gave them a reason to hope for national rebirth. Perhaps even more important, it helped them justify a program of national action even at those moments when there seemed to be little chance that Poland could regain its independence.
At least two prominent conservatives, Henryk Rzewuski and Zygmunt Krasinvski, employed some of the rhetoric of romantic nationalism. Both, however, eventually learned how difficult it had become to be a nationalist on the right. The former remained a consistent reactionary by effectively dehistoricizing national idealism, but in the process he abandoned the national cause altogether. ”53 He was an unapologetic reactionary, longing for a society in which a hereditary aristocracy ruled over an obedient peasantry, in which education was limited to instruction in religion and practical skills, and in which nothing of substance ever changed.
When nationalism began to hate: imagining modern politics in nineteenth century Poland by Brian Porter
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