By J. Gilberto Quezada
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Extra info for Border Boss: Manuel B. Bravo and Zapata County (The Canseco-Keck History Series , No 1)
40 Bravo had numerous redeeming qualities that also put him in a separate category from other political bosses. For instance, he did not use his inﬂuence and position to steal from the county treasury. On the contrary, he established a system for maintaining ﬁscal records. 41 Judge Bravo never boasted about himself, even though he garnered many accolades. As a matter of fact, he rarely talked about politics in particular, but those close to him knew that he kept up with events through the local newspaper and television.
In Not Room Enough: Mexicans, Anglos, and Socio-Economic Change in Texas, 1850–1900, Kenneth L. Stewart and Arnoldo De Leo´n survey the historical origins of machine politics and the rise of bossism within the context of Tejano and Anglo politics. ” 45 The present case study of Judge Bravo is in harmony with the above interpretations of South Texas Tejano politics. 46 Support for Bravo and his cohorts was not because of igno- 13 14 Border Boss rance, fear, or intimidation (although these factors applied in some cases) but rather because the Partido Viejo (Bravo’s political party) provided the economic means of survival.
After their humiliating defeat two years earlier, they promptly sought ways to restructure the party into a formidable competitor. By attracting new candidates and portraying an image devoid of bossism, the members wanted to remove Baker’s ﬁngerprints from party politics. They worked at restoring trust and conﬁdence in the former supporters who had defected, hoping to win them back into the Democratic fold. In the meantime, the GGL continued its rigorous campaign efforts where it had left off in 1930— exposing the evils of Bakerism and its association with the once ruling party.
Border Boss: Manuel B. Bravo and Zapata County (The Canseco-Keck History Series , No 1) by J. Gilberto Quezada